Women lose out as percentage of women in Parliament decreases

By Miriam Madziwa, courtesy of Genderlinks Opinion and Commentary service(Africa)

While Zimbabwe continues to wait anxiously for the official announcement of the Presidential polls, it is no secret that in the Parliamentary polls, women emerged the biggest losers. Just twenty-eight women, representing 13 % of the contested legislative seats were elected to the House of Assembly on March 29.
Numerically, there are now more women in Parliament simply because of the increase in the number of Parliamentary seats from 120 to 210. However, percentage wise, women's presence in the August House is down by almost 3 %. This is a small, but worrying, decline.

The 13 % representation is below half the Southern African Development Community (SADC) target of at least 30 %. It is disheartening that three years since the target was set and despite the efforts of gender activists, Zimbabwe has failed to make the grade.

The temptation is great to assuage the pain of defeat by making excuses. Yes, the stakes were against the 99 women who contested. The women candidates had to overcome the age-old gender based challenges of balancing politics with family obligations.

Additionally, while male contenders concentrated on selling their manifestoes, women candidates had first to convince the electorate that they were serious politicians who deserved their votes. Some candidates had the added challenge of dispelling whisperings that they were contesting to fulfill the political plots of powerful male politicians.

Still many questions remain. Why did the women candidates perform so dismally given the pro-women initiative various political parties put in place during party primary elections to select candidates?

For instance, the two main political parties ZANU PF and the MDC, led by Morgan Tsvangirai, reported they had set aside constituencies for female candidates in attempts to meet the 30 % quota. The rationale was that women candidates would have easy passage to the nomination courts without facing competition from male colleagues in party primaries.

The criteria used to select constituencies for affirmative action was not publicised. The pattern that seemed to emerge during nomination was that parties allocated constituencies to women where tough competition was expected from rival political parties. Essentially, women became cannon fodder expended to save the political reputations of men.

That women candidates sheepishly agreed to the contest in the allocated constituencies without question brings me to the next issue: Just how politically suave are these sisters? From my interactions with some of the candidates, especially those in Bulawayo, it became apparent that the majority were politically naive. They assumed that since their parties had reserved constituencies for them, their success at the polls was automatic.

Some of the female candidates did not fully comprehend that campaigning was mostly personal effort and that they had to take the bull by the horns as it were, and reach out to voters without waiting for the party to take the lead. A few were quite content to put off their campaigns and go to help male colleagues canvass. In such scenarios, the irony was that women competed against each other to ensure a man a seat in Parliament.

Campaign resources were scarce for all candidates. Admittedly, the economic meltdown took its toll and the traditional rally-cum-feasts were less, campaign literature was limited and T-shirts were even fewer. Most candidates resorted to door-to-door campaigns to overcome skyrocketing fuel prices. Most male candidates managed to get by and put up visible campaigns drawing on donations from businesspeople.

However, for women, the scenario was very different. Most did not own cars of their own, forcing them to rely on well-wishers for vehicles. A candidate aptly summed up the situation when she said, "While the men I am running against are busy looking for fuel, I have to start by thinking where to get a vehicle to pour the fuel into. So I have decided to just buy my campaign teams matommy (cheap canvass shoes) and get on with the campaign."

Another candidate failed to do much because of fear to approach potential donors. "How do I ask for help from men? I am used to staying at home. I'm nervous to ask for help from businessmen," she confessed. She justified her fears by saying she had had little interaction with businesspeople in the past which was limited to worker/employer exchanges.

One plus factor on the side of the women was the genuine desire to lead and represent their constituencies. Sadly, however most of the candidates had not quite grasped expectations of them.

You heard candidates making all sorts of promises of how they would uplift the welfare of voters. It just was never clear why they needed to go to Parliament to help the poor find food and receive medical care. Many of the candidates men included relied heavily on their political parties to piggyback them to Parliament.

Some of the candidates were women of substance, but they still failed to win. Women like Priscilla Misihayirambwi-Mushonga and Trudy Stevenson immediately come to mind. In their case, I guess they were caught on the wrong side of the political whirlwind. Zimbabweans mired in destitution, hunger, and disease wanted wholesale change and as a result, most voters were looking at what political parties offered rather than individual capabilities.

This is not to take anything away from the winning women. They have what it takes to be politicians. Their winning the polls is proof enough, but it will definitely be a while before most of them learn the ropes and gather sufficient confidence to articulate issues to advance the cause of Zimbabwean women.

More worrying about the results though is the fact that women failed to vote themselves into power. Women at 52 % of the population constitute the majority of voters. Yet we failed to translate this majority into tangible representation among lawmakers.

With the losses still fresh on our minds, now is the time for Zimbabwean women to go back to the drawing board and start strategising for 2013. Otherwise, our voices will get weaker and weaker in Parliament despite singing ourselves hoarse at political rallies.

The thing about women and politics

By Koliwe Nyoni

For me the most provocative aspect of Robert Mugabe’s presidential run-off campaign this time around is the abuse of word empowerment and its simultaneousy use of women -- particularly in adverts that are inserted in mainly the State media.

I am particularly revolted by an advert in support of Robert Mugabe’s ‘empowerment’ policy or stance (whatever you may call it) inserted by a group who I am hearing of for the first time, called the Young Women Movement (YWM). The advert is set on a very femininely pink background, has an image of a fairly middle aged woman (who to me represents the minority class of Zimbabwean women who have managed to maintain such a fair facial skin, albeit sunken eyes) and has a headline that screams, "Enough is enough! Zvakwana! Sokwanele!"

On first sight of the advert, I thought to myself, ‘At last someone has finally found the right words to summarise the pain that we Zimbabwean women have had to go through and maybe sought to encourage us to stand up for something worthwhile'; but alas the advert proceeds to read:

“Women of Zimbabwe, enough is enough, there have been too many lies and demonisation of our country. Zimbabwe has done a lot for us (that is when I began to blink!!!) Age of Majority Act, Equal pay for equal work, Maintenance Act, Domestic Violence Act. Women can and now own land, businesses…" (There I thought, well, Okay!) Then the advert goes on to say…"On 27th June, vote for the consolidation of women’s empowerment.”

I cannot believe that a sincere women’s movement would utter such nonsense! To a Zimbabwean woman, empowerment is not defined by a couple of Acts that are not supported to ensure that the woman is able to benefit from them.

To us empowerment means being able to walk into a supermarket, or stand at the counter of the kiosk at the corner in the township I live in, and being able to buy pads or the basic cotton wool -- and not to be told the price has gone up or that they have run out. Or being able to walk into a pharmacy or local clinic and get contraception of my choice! Empowerment means being able to take good care of my bedridden HIV positive relation at home because I have running water at the house; and not that water becomes so scarce I cringe every time my two year old son requests to use the loo. Empowerment means being able to get equal pay to my male counterpart if I even make it through college. And not this thing of fees being topped up every semester such that I have to ‘fundraise’, because it is obvious that my parents salaries are way below the monthly expenses of my siblings -- and grandparents who by the way are still in the same reserves they were in during the days of Ian Smith (so much for land empowerment). I do not know of a single ‘ordinary’ woman who worked on the Baas Jones farm, who during the land resettlement programme got a portion of the land that she had toiled on for so long. But I do know of a few prominent female ‘liberators’ who went on to take over that land.

Empowerment to us means being able to stand up and speak on issues that affect us and being heard. And not to be shut up in prison when we do -- like Jenni Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu, the Women of Zimbabwe Arise activists arrested while participating in a demonstration on May 28, 2008. Or being slain in front of our children like Abigail Chiroto, Wife of Harare’s newly elected Mayor, who was abducted and found dead on June 17 for being married to the wrong man. Empowerment means having a roof above my head and not being classified ‘dirt’ (Operation Murambatsvina) in a clean-up campaign that seems more important than that I have a home.

My take on the adverts being placed by YWM is, "Enough is Enough!" We are tired of being used by politicians when they realise they have run short of a political gimmick. And woe to the woman who thinks that she can speak for the women of Zimbabwe, without even consulting them.

The average woman in Zimbabwe stresses throughout the day about how the hell to run a household, raise children and care for the ill in this crazy economy -- not to mention worrying about her family’s safety because of her own or husband’s affiliation. No one has a right to speak on behalf of the Zimbabwean women unless they can stand up and wholly identify themselves with the majority of us angry, stressed, hungry mothers and wives itching for change and true, not theoretical empowerment!

Attacks on journalists hinders investigative reporting

The media in Zimbabwe has been criticized for not doing enough to investigate the alleged killings of 15 opposition MDC supporters since the March 29 controversial polls.
The MDC claims 15 of its supporters have been murdered by Zanu PF activists with the help of the army and other security organs and has announced what it said were the names of the victims of the politically – motivated violence.
Such claims deserve serious and investigative media attention. However, it appears most media are no treating the matter with the seriousness it should be accorded.
While the local media may appear to have not taken such grave claims seriously it is important to note that the current political environment does not allow the media to operate freely and collect information without any hindrances.
Journalists, especially those from the privately owned media, have not been able to operate freely since the March 29 polls. Several have been beaten up, arrested, harassed and tortured by security agents.
Journalists in Zimbabwe continue to be subject to attacks and arbitrary arrests since Zimbabweans went to the polls more than three weeks ago, reports the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), International PEN and Reporters Without Borders (RSF).
"This media crackdown is a calculated attack on journalists who have revealed what appears to be the loss of the elections by the ruling party," says IFJ.
This, no doubt, has resulted in journalists from the private media falling to get access to information relating to the state-sponsored violence which the ruling party does not want the international community to know.
The state media has capitalized on the failure by the private media to access vital information relating to the violence. The ZBC, The Herald and The Sunday Mail have conveniently ignored acts of violence against opposition activists. Instead, the state media has blamed the MDC for the violence without giving any evidence to support their claims.

Where is Tsvangirai?

The whereabouts of Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the MDC, continue to be a subject of speculation both in the media and at social gatherings across the country.
Tsvangirai was reported to be shuttling between Botswana and South Africa meeting political players from both the region and abroad in a bid to find a quick solution to the political stalemate in Zimbabwe.
However, while Tsvangirai’s various diplomatic initiatives were widely covered by the media both local and international, there were little or no attempts by the local media to follow up on reports that the MDC leader was afraid of coming back home.
Tsvangirai was reported to have told the international media he was afraid of returning home.
"It is no use going back to Zimbabwe and becoming captive. Then you are not effective. What can you do?" he told a Canadian newspaper.
"Do you want a dead hero?" he said suggesting his life could be endangered should he return home now.
He said he would rather mobilize international support against Mugabe first before retuning home.
Tsvangirai’s comments come in the wake of an upsurge of politically motivated violence targeted at MDC supporters. The violence campaign has been blamed on the army and other security organs, war veterans and Zanu PF activists.
The campaign of violence, called Operation Makavhoterapapi ("Where did you put your cross?") has spread across country where opposition support surged in the March 29 election.
Tsvangirai also told the international media they were rogue elements within Mugabe’s government who could put the law into their own hands and possibly harm him. “There are rogue elements there who might take the law into their own hands,” Tsvangirai told the Associated Press.
Tsvangirai has been a victim of violent attacks by rogue elements. In 1997, while he was still leader of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), he was attacked by a group of unknown thugs while he was in his office. He sustained serious injuries as a result of the attack. His assailants were never arrested.
But, notwithstanding such dangers, Tsvangirai has insisted he will return home saying: “I’ll go back. It’s just that I’ve work to do.”
Then, there are also strong fears Tsvangirai may be arrested for “committing an act of treason” after the state-owned Herald newspaper published what it purported to be a letter by Tsvangirai begging for British military intervention, and a reply from Gordon Brown. The British embassy in Harare denounced the alleged letter from the British Prime Minister as a "forgery", saying: "No such letter or wider correspondence exists." But Patrick Chinamasa, said the opposition leader had behaved "treasonably", and there was no doubting the consequences. Tsvangirai has been charged with treason before and was acquitted.

Allegations, allegations, allegations and bias

General Observation

Focus continues to be on the media’s coverage of developments emanating from the prolonged delay in the release of the results of the presidential elections of March 29 2008. This apparent state of crisis continues to expose the local media’s weakness with regard to objectivity, truthfulness and being informative a defined under tenets of the journalistic profession.

Where is Morgan Tsvangirai?

Considerable time has passed ever since the Movement for democratic Change (MDC) leader, Morgan Tsvangirai left the country. Varying versions of speculation on his exact whereabouts and circumstances continue to appear in the media.

While stories suggest that he is out on an innocent diplomatic initiative to seek support for democratic change in the walk of yet to be announced outcome of the presidential election, others have suggested that he has joined the multitude of Zimbabweans seeking asylum throughout the world.

The Zimbabwe Independent (17-24 April, 2008) carried a story claiming that the MDC leader would return next week, but Tsvangirai never showed up throwing the nation into yet another spate of anxiety, (No Follow Up was Made)
Now, the wait is on many fronts. While Zimbabweans still wait for the presidential results, they also wait the coming back of one of the country’s key political players. Maybe the media needs to do more to clear this multi – levels of anxiety.

The on-going state of violence

In its lead story, The Standard (20-26 April, 2008) carried a story headlined, MDC claims 10 killed. The story carried apparent reference to the violence that has characterized the post election period. This is a particularly sad development that warrants serious and investigative media attention. It, however, appears that most local media are not treating this unfortunate development in the manner they should. The state-controlled media, ZBC, The Herald, have chosen to stick to the propaganda brief, ignoring the reports on political violence. Going through copies of The Herald for the past week, one may as well be forgiven for believing President Thabo Mbeki’s assertions of there being ‘no crisis in Zimbabwe’. Other media including Voice of America’s Studio 7, online publications and privately owned newspapers have largely chosen to depend on political party accounts in their coverage of unfolding political developments particularly in rural areas. There is need for more investigative coverage at this crucial moment.

Chinamasa’ unending propaganda song

Once again The Herald, (April 22, 2008) gave Patrick Chinamasa, one of Zanu PF’s losing parliamentary candidates unlimited space to vent out unsubstantiated political claims. Where are the winning voices?
In the story, Chinamasa alleges that there is no violence in the country and that the MDC rigged the elections. Ironically, Chinamasa also alleges that the MDC is perpetrating violence in order to justify international intervention. This story was laden with bias, monumental inconsistencies and serous allegations from a public official; yet The Herald never bothered to get the MDC side of story.
However, The Independent in its edition of April 25 to May 1 2008 struck the required balance on the same issue by quoting Chinamasa and MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa.

Women silenced during independence celebration

THE coverage of the commemoration of Zimbabwe’s National independence lacked balance in all aspects. While there was a clear gender balance other stakeholders were clearly ignored by the State media.
The absence of the female voice during the commemorations can be linked to the outcome of the 29 March polls at which women that represented the face of the struggle for independence lost.
Oppah Muchinguri, who over the years organized women to actively participate at national events (although in a very partisan manner), fell by the wayside, leaving nobody to stand up for the women during the commemorations.
While there was evident exclusion of the female voice during the Independence Day commemorations stakeholders such as opposition parties were not only sidelined but denounced as enemies attempting to “reverse gains of independence”.
Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara issued independence commemoration statements which were ignored by the State media. Only online publications carried the statements.
The commemorations were concentrated on President Mugabe who seized the opportunity to attack his political opponents such as Tsvangirai and leaders of the United Kingdom and the United States.
Coverage of Mugabe’s fiery speech overshadowed every other person who participated during the Independence Day commemorations.
The media coverage of the commemorations predictable as it also reserved acres of space for Mugabe ahead of any other person.

Coverage of women politician fizzled out after polls

THE coverage of women on the socio-political arena appears to have lost steam after the controversial March 29 harmonized polls.
This is largely because women who had been thrust on the foe of women empowerment lost power and authority in the poll.
Individuals such as Oppah Muchinguri, Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Shuvai Mahofa were seen as torch bearers of the crusade for women empowerment in Zimbabwe. But when they lost the elections no one seem to have taken over the torch from these women. As a result the media both state and private appear not to have an alternative voice for women in the absence of Muchinguri, Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Mahofa.
Fanny Chirisa, the Women in Politics programmes officer, agrees saying: “Those that were vocal over women issues have been voted. They are no longer in Parliament.”
But Chirisa said hope was not lost because the women who managed to get elected in the March 29 elections had not yet been given an opportunity to prove themselves. “We should not rule out those that were elected because they have not yet been given an opportunity.” But while Chirisa is optimistic that the new women MPs will successfully take the torch from those that fell by the wayside the State media appear to have already taken a hostile stance towards those that were elected on an MDC-T ticket.
Coverage of their activities has been largely derogative.
A good examples the coverage of the case of Lynette Karenyi, the MDC-T MP elect for Chimanimani West, who is alleged to have forged signatures from villagers so as to secure her nomination.