Tuesday, October 21, 2008

MISA-Zimbabwe launches Walking the Talk report


MISA-Zimbabwe on 17 October 2008 commissioned its findings on the levels and extent of gender balance and sensitivity in the media’s coverage of the March 2008 elections through the launch of its Walking the Talk publication which emanates from extensive media monitoring of the country’s weeklies and the state-controlled Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC).

The gender report is a multi-media product comprising the report, a photo-journal on the media’s portrayal of women during the period under review and an audio CD of interviews with female politicians that contested the elections.

Speaking at the launch ceremony in Harare, Media Alliance of Zimbabwe (MAZ) Co-ordinator Abigail Gamanya, urged MISA-Zimbabwe to remain undeterred in its lobby and advocacy activities for the emergence of an environment that fosters freedom of expression, media freedom, independence, diversity, pluralism and self-sufficiency as envisioned under the 1991 Windhoek Declaration. MAZ comprises MISA-Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe Union of Journalists, Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ) and Zimbabwe National Editors Forum (Zinef).

The highlight of the evening was the presentation of cognitive prizes to outstanding journalists and organisations by MISA-Zimbabwe Chairperson Loughty Dube under the organisation’s inaugural Gender and Media Awards as part of MISA-Zimbabwe’s efforts to inculcate and foster gender balance and sensitivity in the media’s coverage of the country’s socio-economic and political issues.

Of the 11 journalists whose coverage of the elections was considered in the competition, Kholwani Nyathi of the privately owned The Standard newspaper, scooped the prize for being outstanding in striking gender balance and awareness in his coverage of the elections.

The Financial Gazette won in the newspaper category for its high percentage of analytical and feature articles that featured women’s voices.

Similarly recognised was The Women’s Trust for being the most visible women’s organisation through its campaigns encouraging women to participate in the presidential, parliamentary, senatorial and local government elections held on 29 March 2008.

Monday, September 29, 2008

New forex rules worse for women

by Sibongile Mpofu
The Standard, 27 September 2008


ALTHOUGH intended to help alleviate the financial crisis and ease shortages in the economy, the new Foreign Exchange Warehouse and Retail Shops programme in Zimbabwe will likely worsen the plight of already over-burdened Zimbabwean women, especially the large numbers who rely on cross-border trade for a living.

Monetary authorities announced the new programme, which would see 1 000 retailers and 200 wholesalers across the country licensed to sell goods in foreign currency, on September 10. Since then, some traders and analysts have expressed concern about what this means for the most vulnerable in society.
"In a way, we are seeing this programme as only meant for the elite with the spending power. It will widen the gap between the have and the have-nots. We are failing to buy products because they are very expensive here and that is why we are resorting to neighbouring countries,’’ said Thembelihle Moyo.
Moyo, who travels to Botswana every month to buy commodities and clothing for resale, said cross-border trading has been a lifeline for her and her family and she fears that the new programme will negatively affect her business, on which she and her whole family relies.
According to Reserve Bank governor, Gideon Gono, the move aims to ease commodity shortages on the market. "Under this framework, authorised dealers will match sellers and buyers of foreign exchange guided by a pre-determined priority list as set from time to time by the Reserve Bank," said Gono in a monetary policy speech. Food and agriculture inputs are highest priority.
To get a licence, applicants must outline their foreign exchange needs, the goods they sell, capacity to handle foreign exchange, estimated weekly or monthly sale volumes and ownership structure.
At face value, the strategy suggests a positive move. Increasing the availability of foreign exchange and with it the buying power of retailers and wholesalers seeks to help alleviate the plight of local people who face extreme shortages, runaway inflation, and a lack of basic goods and services. However, the potential negative impact requires scrutiny.
After analysing the concept and the context under which the programme would be implemented, it is debatable whether this policy will not in fact bring more woes to the ailing economy — particularly more so to Zimbabwean women, the majority of whom rely on cross-border trade to feed their families and send their children to school.
With a membership of more than 15 000 across the Southern African Development Community (Sadc), cross-border traders, the majority of who are women buy goods in neighbouring countries for resale in Zimbabwe. They then buy foreign currency for the next lot of goods. With the unavailability of foreign currency in the formal banking system, most of the traders, rely on the parallel market to run their businesses.
Dollarising the economy would increase the demand for the hard currency and rates would go up, reducing the spending power of most informal traders. Already, Zimbabweans are faced with the current pricing system, which puts the prices of basic commodities beyond the reach of many and analysts predict that foreign-currency priced goods are likely to be more expensive compared to what people are buying them for currently.
According to Innocent Ncube, National Youth Development Trust Chairperson, this partial dollarisation of the economy would hurt vulnerable groups more and lead to profiteering by unscrupulous businesses.
"This policy also raises questions of whether people will be paid in foreign currency. If not, where are people expected to get the foreign currency from?" he asked. This will worsen the plight of every Zimbabwean and indeed our mothers and wives who face the day–to-day burden to see to it that their families are well taken care of."
Women like Constancia Sibanda, from Rural Nkayi in Matabeleland North province, who have never seen the United States dollar or the South African Rand, are unlikely to benefit much from such a policy development. Sibanda, who survives on subsistence farming, said during good harvests, she sells excess produce and has no prospects of ever getting any foreign currency. In a way, this policy completely excludes her.

Women Demand More

by Vusumuzi Sifile
The Standard, Saturday 27 September 2008


WOMEN’S rights activists want to add another sticking point to the contentious issue of cabinet appointments: they are demanding that key ministries should be headed by women.

They also want women to head at least 30% of the 31 ministries created under the power-sharing deal between Zanu PF and the two MDC formations.
This however could be a shot in the dark as all the parties are said to have completed their most likely line-ups for different portfolios. Most of the posts are held by men. Fewer women that are being proposed were elected into the two houses of Parliament.
Among the organisations pushing for the deal is the Women in Politics Support Unit (WiPSU) and the Feminists Political Education Project (FePEP). They say this is "not too far fetched" as it is in line with a protocol adopted by Sadc heads of state in South Africa last month.
Officials from the two organisations confirmed they were pushing for more women to be appointed to Cabinet and for the appointment of women to key ministries. They however could not be drawn into divulging the names in their proposals.
WiPSU director, Cleopatra Ndlovu said: "Right from the talks, the representation of women left a lot to be desired. Everything was telling a male story, even the picture. And now we are talking about cabinet, this is where issues of power between men and women are going to be demonstrated."
She said the agreement makes a commitment to involve women, but there is no suggestion how this would be carried out.
"Having read the agreement, it talks about women in a way that the principals acknowledge women have to be put in strategic positions. But we don’t see the actual action plan to involve women. It appears they just talk about women, just to appease us."
Theresa Mugadza, a co-ordinator of FePEP, said they had "engaged with the negotiators at various times about the inclusion of women".
"We have written to them, but there’s not been any formal response," Mugadza said.
Asked about their proposals, Mugadza said: "I cannot start giving you names now."
But sources in the women’s movement said Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga — who ironically is one of the FePEP co-ordinators and took part in the negotiations that led to the power sharing deal — tops the list of the feminists’ suggestions. Her name has also appeared in a number of possible cabinet line-ups currently being circulated.
According to our sources, some feminists want Misihairabwi-Mushonga to head either the Ministry of Industry and Commerce or Regional Integration and International Trade, which are understood to have been given to her formation. The proposal is based on Misihairabwi-Mushonga’s background as a former chairperson of the Parliamentary public accounts committee and MDC’s shadow Minister of Foreign Affairs.
"We look forward to the appointment of women to strategic ministries such as foreign affairs, home affairs, defence, local government, finance, trade, health and education just to name a few — something like what they have in South Africa," added Mugadza.
Section 20 of the agreement signed on September 15 acknowledges "the need for gender parity, particularly the need to appoint women in strategic Cabinet posts".
The FePEP, through Mugadza, even suggested how the ministries would be distributed.
"For avoidance of doubt, out of the 31 ministerial positions, 15 should be women and of the 15 deputy ministers, 8 should be women. Of the 15 cabinet posts Zanu PF has, at least seven ought to be women; of the 13 cabinet posts that MDC-T has, at least seven ought to be women and of the three seats MDC has, at least one has to be a woman. Of the eight deputies Zanu PF appoints, four have to be women, the six MDC led by Tsvangirai appoints, three ought to be women and the one deputy of the MDC led by Prof. Mutambara must be a woman."
But Luta Shaba, the director of Women’s Trust —a Harare based organisation said: "For us, what is more critical however is to have an institutional mechanism to oversee the commitment to issues of gender representation. It does not matter what percentage we have, if there is nobody to oversee the implementation it won’t work. It is not about numbers, it is about walking our talk."

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

Women bear the brunt of violence

Ephraim Nsingo

HARARE, Jun 28 (IPS) - "We are too familiar with the violence that was meted upon numerous of us from 1890 when the colonialists came into our country right up to the most recent elections. Chief among these forms of violence is sexual violence, and it concomitant implication, HIV infection. Zimbabwean women now have the lowest life expectancy world wide because of HIV & AIDS -- 34 years."

This from a statement issued by the Feminist Political Education Project (FePEP) on Apr. 10, when the country was still waiting for inexplicably-delayed results of the Mar. 29 presidential poll. FePEP expressed the view that regardless of who won, neither Tsvangirai nor Mugabe could bring all sides together and move forward in the interests of the whole country.

Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, a former MDC parliamentarian and one of FePEP's coordinators, told IPS that Tsvangirai’s Jun. 22 withdrawal from the presidential run-off "was the right thing for him to do, albeit too late".

"Our position has been consistent; the current problems in Zimbabwe cannot be resolved through an election," said Misihairabwi-Mushonga. "Our society is divided right through the middle and any government would by nature have to be inclusive if we are to seriously work towards resolving the current impasse. The problems in this country will not go away. We should continue to press for dialogue."

While ZANU-PF hastily prepares to swear 84-year-old Robert Mugabe in as president, Zimbabweans continue to count the cost of the party's brutal fight to remain in power.

"Women have suffered most in this violence," said Netsai Mushonga, the Coordinator of the Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe, an umbrella body of Zimbabwean women's organisations. From what we have gathered so far, we expect the number of rape cases to treble. We are yet to sit down as an organisation to do a detailed analysis of the situation."

According to Alouis Chaumba, the chairperson of the Zimbabwe Peace Project -- an NGO that documents incidents of political violence -- most male opposition supporters have fled rural areas; leaving women more vulnerable.

"To force the men to return, ZANU PF militia have a tendency of abducting women and children. There are numerous cases of women and children being taken as ransom and forcibly detained in bases until their fathers or husbands return to their villages. Women are being assaulted, tortured, and sexually harassed," said Chaumba.

Martha Marime*, a 29-year-old woman from Chaona Village in Mashonaland Central Province, Chiweshe narrated how she was abducted at the end of May and repeatedly raped by ZANU PF militia for hours.

"I don't think I will ever recover from the pain and embarrassment I went through. I was forced to do things I have never done in my life and it really pains me to think to think of it. They took turns to rape me, and after that they beat me up saying I was a prostitute. I was two months pregnant when they beat me up, and the very day they released me, I had a miscarriage," said Marime.

The leader of a prominent women's organisation, who declined to be named, said most women were being harassed because their husbands, sons or male relatives were suspected to be supporters of the opposition.

"We are still compiling the details, but we have got one recent example where Abigail Chiroto was abducted and gruesomely murdered because her husband is an MDC activist. To make it worse, it looks like they did all this while her four-year-old son was watching. Things are really bad for women, but most of them are not brave enough to come out in the open for fear of retribution," said the official.

Abigail Chiroto, the wife of the newly elected mayor of Harare, Emmanuel Chiroto, was abducted from her home in Hatcliffe, Harare, and later found dead at a farm on the outskirts of the capital. Her son was unharmed.

Female candidates have also been victims of the violence. The losing candidate for Mt Pleasant House of Assembly Constituency, Trudy Stevenson -- of the MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara -- has for the past few weeks been living in hiding following repeated attempts by suspected ZANU PF supporters to attack her home.

Said Stevenson: "I am in a safe place, but obviously I am very worried that the place will be attacked any time, in view of this pattern repeated several times with people being abducted, tortured and murdered and the houses petrol-bombed. Most of my colleagues are not safe either."

Theresa Makone, the newly-elected legislator for Harare North and chairperson of the MDC Women's League has been living in hiding for over a month now. Her driver, Beta Chokururama, was murdered by suspected ZANU PF militias on Jun. 13.

Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa denied that his party is responsible for the reign of terror since the Mar. 29 elections.

"The opposition has been making all of sorts of allegations to draw unnecessary attention, for reasons which we do not know. From information we got from the police, MDC supporters have been perpetrating violence against our people, then steal our campaign material and disguise themselves as members of our party," said Chinamasa, who also chairs ZANU PF's media sub-committee for the elections.

Asked about incidents of rape at ZANU PF bases, Chinamasa said only that his party "does not have any such bases".

Robert Mugabe is expected to join other African heads of state at the African Union Summit now taking place in Egypt, where despite recent criticism from African leaders includng Zambian president Levy Mwanawasa -- who as chair of the Southern Africa Development Community stated that the elections in Zimbabwe fell far short of regional standards for fairness -- the early signs are that the A.U. will propose a power-sharing agreement for Zimbabwe similar to what was agreed in Kenya.

But how will such an agreement address the grievous injury and injustice that has fallen so heavily on the backs of Zimbabweans, particularly women?

*Not her real name.

Wednesday, July 9, 2008

STOP THE VIOLENCE AND PROTECT WOMEN AND GIRLS NOW

Presented to:

Human Rights Council, June 2008 Session
Geneva, Switzerland

30 May 2008


We, the Zimbabwean women and women worldwide, urgently call for stopping of violence in Zimbabwe and protection of women and girls, in this post election catastrophe. This is an emergency as the country gears up for a presidential run-off on the 27th of June 2008.The violence persists and is real. No election observers are yet in the country, despite our calls, appeals, cries to Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), African Union (AU) and the United Nations.

We are watching a silent genocide of the poor and powerless, due to political induced murders, criminal actions, and collapse of basic services resulting in deaths due to lack of health care, food, shelter for the displaced, especially after the March 29th, 2008 elections. Most of the affected are women and children.
• The post election murders, burnings, lootings and intimidation have most affected women and girls since its rural targeted and 80% of women live in rural areas.
• Over 800 homes have been burnt down, making it traumatic for mothers who have to feed the children and care for the sick
• Over 10 000 people have fled their homes, are displaced and squatters with relatives and with fear of going back home. Children displaced are not in schools
• Over 50 people have been murdered in cold blood, and mostly from the opposition.
• An estimated 7000 teachers have fled their schools as a number have been beaten in the eyes of parents and pupils.
• Doctors for human Rights report that over 2000 serious cases of physical torture and beatings have passed through their hands and a lot of those they treated have suffered serious fractures to an extent that most are permanently handicapped.
• The oldest victim of the post election violence is an old woman with 12 grandchildren all of them orphaned and whose son is alleged to have campaigned for the opposition.
• The youngest female victim is a 15-year-old girl who was stripped naked together with her pregnant mother forced to lie down and beaten on the breasts and buttocks, just many women have been so battered.
• Several girls and women are feared raped. The youngest child seriously assaulted is only 3 years.
• More than 3,000 Zimbabweans die every weak due to AIDS, and their life expectancy is 34 years for women.
• Unemployment is 80% and inflation is 165 000 % and the highest in the world.
• 95% of women of the 200 000 women made homeless and jobless by the government 2005 Operation Murambatsviina. Women’s church gatherings disrupted, women beaten up and abused while at prayer.
• Over 3 million Zimbabweans are in South Africa where they are facing xenophobic attacks
This situation is an extra-ordinary emergency for women and girls. Every person and institution must do everything in their power to stop the violence, restore rule of law, and allow Zimbabweans to exercise their right to vote and live in peace.
We, as Zimbabwean women and women worldwide:

Re-iterate the long-standing position of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) that the failure by government and law enforcement, such as police and army to respect the rights of all citizens is the greatest threat to peace, democracy and development in Zimbabwe.

Really concerned by a real danger of civil strife catalyzed by the growing humanitarian crisis. We are witnessing increasing levels of tension and political polarization among the population, which turned out to vote on March 29. The media reports on the party political position adopted by the law enforcement, which should ordinarily maintain neutrality. The recent purchase of military weapons adds to this fear.

Demand cessation of organized and targeted intimidation against the citizens, particularly the use of women and girls as weapons of ‘war’, evidenced by the brutal battering of women’s buttocks, rape and sexual abuse.

Demand the immediate disbanding of the militias, comprised of youths, security agents and one terror group code named Chipangano, which have caused terror and havoc in the rural and urban areas exacerbating the humanitarian situation by creating internal refugees. We demand the disbanding of torture bases where gross abuses of women are taking place including forced labor (cooking and cleaning) and sexual abuse.

Request the Leadership of SADC, the African Union and the United Nations to demand ZANU PF government to stop using violence against its people and TAKE TANGIBLE actions if the violence continues.

Request especially the Human Rights Council to:
I. Establish programme of engagement with Zimbabwe for protection of human rights especially for women, girls and children. The UN must deploy human rights monitors during the run-up to the Presidential Elections.

II. Mandate and support UN Special Rapportuer on Violence Against Women must do a fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe and support the efforts of community, grassroots and other organisations living in a culture of fear, survivors of violence and abuse.

III. Mandate and support UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders must put in place ways of ensuring safety and protection for women human rights advocates and activists, who find themselves in fear of life and who ability to engage publicly is compromised.

IV. Engage with Zimbabwe government and authorities and stop the violence, and demand the state to protect ordinary people’s lives.

V. Encourage and support for humanitarian assistance to Zimbabwe, especially in support of food, health and education for rural communities and mostly the displaced.

Organizations and Individuals are encouraged to sign on this statement, and submit to coalition@zol.co.zw (Zimbabwe Women’s Coalition) or worldoffice@worldywca.org; or athenainitiative@gmail.com or dakotareed07@gmail.com

Thursday, June 26, 2008

Women lose out as percentage of women in Parliament decreases

By Miriam Madziwa, courtesy of Genderlinks Opinion and Commentary service(Africa)

While Zimbabwe continues to wait anxiously for the official announcement of the Presidential polls, it is no secret that in the Parliamentary polls, women emerged the biggest losers. Just twenty-eight women, representing 13 % of the contested legislative seats were elected to the House of Assembly on March 29.
Numerically, there are now more women in Parliament simply because of the increase in the number of Parliamentary seats from 120 to 210. However, percentage wise, women's presence in the August House is down by almost 3 %. This is a small, but worrying, decline.

The 13 % representation is below half the Southern African Development Community (SADC) target of at least 30 %. It is disheartening that three years since the target was set and despite the efforts of gender activists, Zimbabwe has failed to make the grade.

The temptation is great to assuage the pain of defeat by making excuses. Yes, the stakes were against the 99 women who contested. The women candidates had to overcome the age-old gender based challenges of balancing politics with family obligations.

Additionally, while male contenders concentrated on selling their manifestoes, women candidates had first to convince the electorate that they were serious politicians who deserved their votes. Some candidates had the added challenge of dispelling whisperings that they were contesting to fulfill the political plots of powerful male politicians.

Still many questions remain. Why did the women candidates perform so dismally given the pro-women initiative various political parties put in place during party primary elections to select candidates?

For instance, the two main political parties ZANU PF and the MDC, led by Morgan Tsvangirai, reported they had set aside constituencies for female candidates in attempts to meet the 30 % quota. The rationale was that women candidates would have easy passage to the nomination courts without facing competition from male colleagues in party primaries.

The criteria used to select constituencies for affirmative action was not publicised. The pattern that seemed to emerge during nomination was that parties allocated constituencies to women where tough competition was expected from rival political parties. Essentially, women became cannon fodder expended to save the political reputations of men.

That women candidates sheepishly agreed to the contest in the allocated constituencies without question brings me to the next issue: Just how politically suave are these sisters? From my interactions with some of the candidates, especially those in Bulawayo, it became apparent that the majority were politically naive. They assumed that since their parties had reserved constituencies for them, their success at the polls was automatic.

Some of the female candidates did not fully comprehend that campaigning was mostly personal effort and that they had to take the bull by the horns as it were, and reach out to voters without waiting for the party to take the lead. A few were quite content to put off their campaigns and go to help male colleagues canvass. In such scenarios, the irony was that women competed against each other to ensure a man a seat in Parliament.

Campaign resources were scarce for all candidates. Admittedly, the economic meltdown took its toll and the traditional rally-cum-feasts were less, campaign literature was limited and T-shirts were even fewer. Most candidates resorted to door-to-door campaigns to overcome skyrocketing fuel prices. Most male candidates managed to get by and put up visible campaigns drawing on donations from businesspeople.

However, for women, the scenario was very different. Most did not own cars of their own, forcing them to rely on well-wishers for vehicles. A candidate aptly summed up the situation when she said, "While the men I am running against are busy looking for fuel, I have to start by thinking where to get a vehicle to pour the fuel into. So I have decided to just buy my campaign teams matommy (cheap canvass shoes) and get on with the campaign."

Another candidate failed to do much because of fear to approach potential donors. "How do I ask for help from men? I am used to staying at home. I'm nervous to ask for help from businessmen," she confessed. She justified her fears by saying she had had little interaction with businesspeople in the past which was limited to worker/employer exchanges.

One plus factor on the side of the women was the genuine desire to lead and represent their constituencies. Sadly, however most of the candidates had not quite grasped expectations of them.

You heard candidates making all sorts of promises of how they would uplift the welfare of voters. It just was never clear why they needed to go to Parliament to help the poor find food and receive medical care. Many of the candidates men included relied heavily on their political parties to piggyback them to Parliament.

Some of the candidates were women of substance, but they still failed to win. Women like Priscilla Misihayirambwi-Mushonga and Trudy Stevenson immediately come to mind. In their case, I guess they were caught on the wrong side of the political whirlwind. Zimbabweans mired in destitution, hunger, and disease wanted wholesale change and as a result, most voters were looking at what political parties offered rather than individual capabilities.

This is not to take anything away from the winning women. They have what it takes to be politicians. Their winning the polls is proof enough, but it will definitely be a while before most of them learn the ropes and gather sufficient confidence to articulate issues to advance the cause of Zimbabwean women.

More worrying about the results though is the fact that women failed to vote themselves into power. Women at 52 % of the population constitute the majority of voters. Yet we failed to translate this majority into tangible representation among lawmakers.

With the losses still fresh on our minds, now is the time for Zimbabwean women to go back to the drawing board and start strategising for 2013. Otherwise, our voices will get weaker and weaker in Parliament despite singing ourselves hoarse at political rallies.

The thing about women and politics

By Koliwe Nyoni

For me the most provocative aspect of Robert Mugabe’s presidential run-off campaign this time around is the abuse of word empowerment and its simultaneousy use of women -- particularly in adverts that are inserted in mainly the State media.

I am particularly revolted by an advert in support of Robert Mugabe’s ‘empowerment’ policy or stance (whatever you may call it) inserted by a group who I am hearing of for the first time, called the Young Women Movement (YWM). The advert is set on a very femininely pink background, has an image of a fairly middle aged woman (who to me represents the minority class of Zimbabwean women who have managed to maintain such a fair facial skin, albeit sunken eyes) and has a headline that screams, "Enough is enough! Zvakwana! Sokwanele!"

On first sight of the advert, I thought to myself, ‘At last someone has finally found the right words to summarise the pain that we Zimbabwean women have had to go through and maybe sought to encourage us to stand up for something worthwhile'; but alas the advert proceeds to read:

“Women of Zimbabwe, enough is enough, there have been too many lies and demonisation of our country. Zimbabwe has done a lot for us (that is when I began to blink!!!) Age of Majority Act, Equal pay for equal work, Maintenance Act, Domestic Violence Act. Women can and now own land, businesses…" (There I thought, well, Okay!) Then the advert goes on to say…"On 27th June, vote for the consolidation of women’s empowerment.”

I cannot believe that a sincere women’s movement would utter such nonsense! To a Zimbabwean woman, empowerment is not defined by a couple of Acts that are not supported to ensure that the woman is able to benefit from them.

To us empowerment means being able to walk into a supermarket, or stand at the counter of the kiosk at the corner in the township I live in, and being able to buy pads or the basic cotton wool -- and not to be told the price has gone up or that they have run out. Or being able to walk into a pharmacy or local clinic and get contraception of my choice! Empowerment means being able to take good care of my bedridden HIV positive relation at home because I have running water at the house; and not that water becomes so scarce I cringe every time my two year old son requests to use the loo. Empowerment means being able to get equal pay to my male counterpart if I even make it through college. And not this thing of fees being topped up every semester such that I have to ‘fundraise’, because it is obvious that my parents salaries are way below the monthly expenses of my siblings -- and grandparents who by the way are still in the same reserves they were in during the days of Ian Smith (so much for land empowerment). I do not know of a single ‘ordinary’ woman who worked on the Baas Jones farm, who during the land resettlement programme got a portion of the land that she had toiled on for so long. But I do know of a few prominent female ‘liberators’ who went on to take over that land.

Empowerment to us means being able to stand up and speak on issues that affect us and being heard. And not to be shut up in prison when we do -- like Jenni Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu, the Women of Zimbabwe Arise activists arrested while participating in a demonstration on May 28, 2008. Or being slain in front of our children like Abigail Chiroto, Wife of Harare’s newly elected Mayor, who was abducted and found dead on June 17 for being married to the wrong man. Empowerment means having a roof above my head and not being classified ‘dirt’ (Operation Murambatsvina) in a clean-up campaign that seems more important than that I have a home.

My take on the adverts being placed by YWM is, "Enough is Enough!" We are tired of being used by politicians when they realise they have run short of a political gimmick. And woe to the woman who thinks that she can speak for the women of Zimbabwe, without even consulting them.

The average woman in Zimbabwe stresses throughout the day about how the hell to run a household, raise children and care for the ill in this crazy economy -- not to mention worrying about her family’s safety because of her own or husband’s affiliation. No one has a right to speak on behalf of the Zimbabwean women unless they can stand up and wholly identify themselves with the majority of us angry, stressed, hungry mothers and wives itching for change and true, not theoretical empowerment!

Tuesday, April 29, 2008

Attacks on journalists hinders investigative reporting

The media in Zimbabwe has been criticized for not doing enough to investigate the alleged killings of 15 opposition MDC supporters since the March 29 controversial polls.
The MDC claims 15 of its supporters have been murdered by Zanu PF activists with the help of the army and other security organs and has announced what it said were the names of the victims of the politically – motivated violence.
Such claims deserve serious and investigative media attention. However, it appears most media are no treating the matter with the seriousness it should be accorded.
While the local media may appear to have not taken such grave claims seriously it is important to note that the current political environment does not allow the media to operate freely and collect information without any hindrances.
Journalists, especially those from the privately owned media, have not been able to operate freely since the March 29 polls. Several have been beaten up, arrested, harassed and tortured by security agents.
Journalists in Zimbabwe continue to be subject to attacks and arbitrary arrests since Zimbabweans went to the polls more than three weeks ago, reports the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), International PEN and Reporters Without Borders (RSF).
"This media crackdown is a calculated attack on journalists who have revealed what appears to be the loss of the elections by the ruling party," says IFJ.
This, no doubt, has resulted in journalists from the private media falling to get access to information relating to the state-sponsored violence which the ruling party does not want the international community to know.
The state media has capitalized on the failure by the private media to access vital information relating to the violence. The ZBC, The Herald and The Sunday Mail have conveniently ignored acts of violence against opposition activists. Instead, the state media has blamed the MDC for the violence without giving any evidence to support their claims.

Monday, April 28, 2008

Where is Tsvangirai?


The whereabouts of Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the MDC, continue to be a subject of speculation both in the media and at social gatherings across the country.
Tsvangirai was reported to be shuttling between Botswana and South Africa meeting political players from both the region and abroad in a bid to find a quick solution to the political stalemate in Zimbabwe.
However, while Tsvangirai’s various diplomatic initiatives were widely covered by the media both local and international, there were little or no attempts by the local media to follow up on reports that the MDC leader was afraid of coming back home.
Tsvangirai was reported to have told the international media he was afraid of returning home.
"It is no use going back to Zimbabwe and becoming captive. Then you are not effective. What can you do?" he told a Canadian newspaper.
"Do you want a dead hero?" he said suggesting his life could be endangered should he return home now.
He said he would rather mobilize international support against Mugabe first before retuning home.
Tsvangirai’s comments come in the wake of an upsurge of politically motivated violence targeted at MDC supporters. The violence campaign has been blamed on the army and other security organs, war veterans and Zanu PF activists.
The campaign of violence, called Operation Makavhoterapapi ("Where did you put your cross?") has spread across country where opposition support surged in the March 29 election.
Tsvangirai also told the international media they were rogue elements within Mugabe’s government who could put the law into their own hands and possibly harm him. “There are rogue elements there who might take the law into their own hands,” Tsvangirai told the Associated Press.
Tsvangirai has been a victim of violent attacks by rogue elements. In 1997, while he was still leader of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), he was attacked by a group of unknown thugs while he was in his office. He sustained serious injuries as a result of the attack. His assailants were never arrested.
But, notwithstanding such dangers, Tsvangirai has insisted he will return home saying: “I’ll go back. It’s just that I’ve work to do.”
Then, there are also strong fears Tsvangirai may be arrested for “committing an act of treason” after the state-owned Herald newspaper published what it purported to be a letter by Tsvangirai begging for British military intervention, and a reply from Gordon Brown. The British embassy in Harare denounced the alleged letter from the British Prime Minister as a "forgery", saying: "No such letter or wider correspondence exists." But Patrick Chinamasa, said the opposition leader had behaved "treasonably", and there was no doubting the consequences. Tsvangirai has been charged with treason before and was acquitted.

Allegations, allegations, allegations and bias

General Observation

Focus continues to be on the media’s coverage of developments emanating from the prolonged delay in the release of the results of the presidential elections of March 29 2008. This apparent state of crisis continues to expose the local media’s weakness with regard to objectivity, truthfulness and being informative a defined under tenets of the journalistic profession.

Where is Morgan Tsvangirai?

Considerable time has passed ever since the Movement for democratic Change (MDC) leader, Morgan Tsvangirai left the country. Varying versions of speculation on his exact whereabouts and circumstances continue to appear in the media.

While stories suggest that he is out on an innocent diplomatic initiative to seek support for democratic change in the walk of yet to be announced outcome of the presidential election, others have suggested that he has joined the multitude of Zimbabweans seeking asylum throughout the world.

The Zimbabwe Independent (17-24 April, 2008) carried a story claiming that the MDC leader would return next week, but Tsvangirai never showed up throwing the nation into yet another spate of anxiety, (No Follow Up was Made)
Now, the wait is on many fronts. While Zimbabweans still wait for the presidential results, they also wait the coming back of one of the country’s key political players. Maybe the media needs to do more to clear this multi – levels of anxiety.

The on-going state of violence

In its lead story, The Standard (20-26 April, 2008) carried a story headlined, MDC claims 10 killed. The story carried apparent reference to the violence that has characterized the post election period. This is a particularly sad development that warrants serious and investigative media attention. It, however, appears that most local media are not treating this unfortunate development in the manner they should. The state-controlled media, ZBC, The Herald, have chosen to stick to the propaganda brief, ignoring the reports on political violence. Going through copies of The Herald for the past week, one may as well be forgiven for believing President Thabo Mbeki’s assertions of there being ‘no crisis in Zimbabwe’. Other media including Voice of America’s Studio 7, online publications and privately owned newspapers have largely chosen to depend on political party accounts in their coverage of unfolding political developments particularly in rural areas. There is need for more investigative coverage at this crucial moment.

Chinamasa’ unending propaganda song

Once again The Herald, (April 22, 2008) gave Patrick Chinamasa, one of Zanu PF’s losing parliamentary candidates unlimited space to vent out unsubstantiated political claims. Where are the winning voices?
In the story, Chinamasa alleges that there is no violence in the country and that the MDC rigged the elections. Ironically, Chinamasa also alleges that the MDC is perpetrating violence in order to justify international intervention. This story was laden with bias, monumental inconsistencies and serous allegations from a public official; yet The Herald never bothered to get the MDC side of story.
However, The Independent in its edition of April 25 to May 1 2008 struck the required balance on the same issue by quoting Chinamasa and MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa.

Thursday, April 24, 2008

Women silenced during independence celebration

THE coverage of the commemoration of Zimbabwe’s National independence lacked balance in all aspects. While there was a clear gender balance other stakeholders were clearly ignored by the State media.
The absence of the female voice during the commemorations can be linked to the outcome of the 29 March polls at which women that represented the face of the struggle for independence lost.
Oppah Muchinguri, who over the years organized women to actively participate at national events (although in a very partisan manner), fell by the wayside, leaving nobody to stand up for the women during the commemorations.
While there was evident exclusion of the female voice during the Independence Day commemorations stakeholders such as opposition parties were not only sidelined but denounced as enemies attempting to “reverse gains of independence”.
Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara issued independence commemoration statements which were ignored by the State media. Only online publications carried the statements.
The commemorations were concentrated on President Mugabe who seized the opportunity to attack his political opponents such as Tsvangirai and leaders of the United Kingdom and the United States.
Coverage of Mugabe’s fiery speech overshadowed every other person who participated during the Independence Day commemorations.
The media coverage of the commemorations predictable as it also reserved acres of space for Mugabe ahead of any other person.

Coverage of women politician fizzled out after polls


THE coverage of women on the socio-political arena appears to have lost steam after the controversial March 29 harmonized polls.
This is largely because women who had been thrust on the foe of women empowerment lost power and authority in the poll.
Individuals such as Oppah Muchinguri, Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Shuvai Mahofa were seen as torch bearers of the crusade for women empowerment in Zimbabwe. But when they lost the elections no one seem to have taken over the torch from these women. As a result the media both state and private appear not to have an alternative voice for women in the absence of Muchinguri, Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Mahofa.
Fanny Chirisa, the Women in Politics programmes officer, agrees saying: “Those that were vocal over women issues have been voted. They are no longer in Parliament.”
But Chirisa said hope was not lost because the women who managed to get elected in the March 29 elections had not yet been given an opportunity to prove themselves. “We should not rule out those that were elected because they have not yet been given an opportunity.” But while Chirisa is optimistic that the new women MPs will successfully take the torch from those that fell by the wayside the State media appear to have already taken a hostile stance towards those that were elected on an MDC-T ticket.
Coverage of their activities has been largely derogative.
A good examples the coverage of the case of Lynette Karenyi, the MDC-T MP elect for Chimanimani West, who is alleged to have forged signatures from villagers so as to secure her nomination.

Wednesday, April 23, 2008

The Sunday Mail misleads the nation

WHILE The Sunday Mail opportunistically used President Thabo Mbeki’s infamous comments that there was no crisis in Zimbabwe indicators on the ground were pointing to the contrary.

While the weekly was portraying a positive picture about events in Zimbabwe there was an upsurge of politically motivated violence targeted at MDC -Tsvangirai supporters. Supporters of the MDC-T announced 10 of their supporters had been murdered in the process.

The violence, which has swept throughout the country, has been widely blamed on the army, other security agents, war veterans and Zanu PF youths.

Thousands of MDC-T supporters have been displaced after their houses were set on fire. Others fled the violence that has left hundreds seriously injured.
Offices of the MDC-T have been literally turned into refugee processing centres with thousands of displaced people camping there. (See above picture of MDC-T supporters camped at the party's offices in Mutare after their houses were burnt in Mutasa South)

Senior army officers, war veterans and Zanu PF activists have set up bases in most parts of the countryside in MDC-T strongholds and are conducting “political re-orientation programmes for the masses”.

More than 5 500 Zimbabweans are reported to have crossed into Mozambique, possibly fleeing from the violence.
Mozambican government officials confirmed there is an unprecedented influx of Zimbabweans crossing into the neighboring country.

"There is a massive exodus of Zimbabweans getting inside Mozambique," Boste Marizane, told journalists in Manica Town, about 25 km east of Mutare. Marizane is an immigration officer based at the Machipanda Border Post.

"What is happening is that these days there are lots of people crossing to Mozambique who don't return" Marizane said.

He said a day after the polls 348 Zimbabwean crossed into Mozambique but only 40 returned home. The trend was continuing daily, Marizane said.

Police in this shanty town say in a bid to deter a wave of refuge claims the Mozambican government was not giving asylum status to anyone because Zimbabwe “is not at war”.

Police spokesperson in Manica Pedro Jemusse said, "There is a surge of Zimbabweans coming in and we are monitoring the situation."

Tuesday, April 22, 2008

The Media and the Crisis that others choose not to see or hear about

General Observation
Focus continues to be on the post 29 March political developments, which have thus far led to the hosting of a Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) Extra-Ordinary summit by President Mwanawasa in Lusaka, Zambia on 12 April, 2008. A critical look at the way the media reported on the media points to a situation in which objectivity, fairness and balanced reporting was compromised and with it, a gender sensitive and conscious coverage of electoral and national issues was lost. The state controlled media has clearly taken the editorial stance of attacking the main opposition political party as well as to increasingly harp on about imperialism without verifying facts and sources. The private media has attempted a much more balanced view but as stated above, it has been overwhelmed with political developments around the announcement of results, SADC and the incidences of politically motivated violence. In both instances, the reporting and reportage content did not take into adequate consideration the representation of women’s voices and gender/gender sensitive reporting.
On the Coverage of the Statements by President Thabo Mbeki on Zimbabwe.
President Thabo Mbeki made headlines in both local and international media when he pronounced that there is no crisis in Zimbabwe in the wake of the SADC extra ordinary summit on Zimbabwe held on 12 April, 2008. The Sunday Mail of 13 April 2008 opportunistically used President Mbeki’s statements to come up with a headline story that was virtually propagandistic in nature. Without considering political and socio-economic indicators on the ground, the Sunday Mail seems to suggest that President Mbeki is the ultimate authority in defining the political, social and economic situation in Zimbabwe. One wonders what the paper thinks about our shops’ empty shelves, the ballooning of the number of Zimbabwe’s economic refugees around the world, the ever escalating inflation and a host of other indicators that point to a deepening crisis. In any case, why should we depend on a foreign head of state to inform us of what is going on in our country? Why did the Sunday Mail choose not to include the voices of ordinary women and men of Zimbabwe in its story? It can only be assumed that it was because of the need by those is control of this state weekly to misinform and misrepresent facts for politically partisan purposes.
On the coverage of female politicians.
20 women won 33.3% out of 60 contested Senatorial seats while 30 women won 14. 3 % out of the total number of 210 House of Assembly seats. Thus there is need for these women to be accorded fair coverage in the media inorder for people to keep abreast of their activities. However stories such as the one reported in the Herald of 17 April 2008 of Lynette Karenyi, the MDC-T Member of House of Assembly–elect for Chimanimani West who is facing charges of allegedly forging four signatures of villagers so as to secure her nomination with the Electoral Court is a major drawback in the women’s struggle for recognition in the political arena.
On the Coverage of Political Violence.
The state controlled media has not given any coverage to issues concerning the current spate of political violence that has been occurring during this electoral period.The Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) issued a statement that confirmed the torture and maiming of a mother and daughter from one rural area that has received no coverage in the state media or parts of the private print media. It has however received coverage in internet based publications and Short Wave radio stations that cover Zimbabwe.
On the Coverage of the National Economy
Presently inflation figures have soared by over 100% since the last official figures released by the Central Statistical Office. With this economic meltdown women have emerged to be the hardest hit. Households are falling apart with women and young girls bearing the brunt of economic environment and yet this has received limited media coverage from the media. The narratives that are emerging are no longer about the livelihoods of the people and the ordinary voices of Zimbabwean citizens, especially, mothers, daughters and sons are rarely heard or seen in the print or electronic media.
On the Coverage of National Independence Commemorations.
The media coverage of the commemoration of Zimbabwe’s National independence has sorely lacked a fair and balanced gender dimension of what the liberation struggle meant for all the people of Zimbabwe. Instead,the adverts as well as the news stories that have been carried in the state controlled media have been extremely partisan and in favour of the ruling establishment’s understanding of our national history. Women’s voices have been few and far between with greater prominence having been given to mainly ‘male’ war veterans to narrate their experiences of the struggle or the historic significance of the township of Highfields in Harare.

Sunday, April 20, 2008

Where are the people's voices?

General observation

With the people of Zimbabwe still to know the results of the March 29 presidential election, the country remains in a momentous state of anxiety and confusion .As the fourth estate, the media is ideally expected to provide information that may help extricate the citizenry from its state of confusion. The media is also expected to be a critical public sphere platform through which the people can air their views on how best the nation can be brought out of the current state of darkness.

Adding to the confusion

Instead of providing light as to the current goings on, some media seem to be adding to the confusion by continuing as extensions of political party propaganda machinery. For instance the Herald and ZTV seem to be embracing the Zanu Pf’s discourse of ostensibly protecting the nation from “imperialists” who wanted to overthrow our independence through the recent elections.

These outlets are however, simply getting it from the mouths of spin doctors like Jabulani Sibanda and Patrick Chinamasa, without exposing them to analytical scrutiny. Where exactly is the imperialist’s hand in what the people of Zimbabwe said through the March 29 elections? We are still to get a clear and logical answer from ZTV and the Herald.


Tsvangirai begs for VP post

This was the headline in the Herald of 9 April 2008 .The story constituted a butchering of journalistic ethics. We were told of Ian Makone, Joe Mtizwa and Elton Mangoma going to beg for the post on behalf of Tsvangirai. But the MDC side of the story was never given the prominence it deserved.

About the run off

The state controlled media continue to bombard us with stories on the run off .what is striking is that journalists from this section of the media continue to ignore the critical question from every other Zimbabwean: why a rerun before the election results is out? By the way is it a rerun or run off? The media must clear us of the confusion.

Where are the people?

In their stories on the current state of affairs ,most media are forgetting the ordinary men and women in the street .In the story headlined,” Accept defeat :Mugabe told” ,the Standard of 6 -12 April 2008 ,mainly quotes analysts and experts .The voices of ordinary Zimbabweans are largely missing .This is the trend in most media .The voices of the commoners are largely ignored .Yet every Zimbabwean has a stake in deciding how we should proceed from the current state of inertia. It is high time that the media be the public sphere that it must be.

Monday, March 31, 2008

ZBC’S Coverage of the 2008 Elections vis-à-vis the SADC Principles and Guidelines

COMMENTARY

With the campaign period over, this week we take a critical look at whether the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation has been able to operate in line with the SADC Guidelines and Principles governing the exercise of Free and Fair elections. As we observe in this perspective, the sole national broadcaster failed to meet expectations insofar as its coverage of the pre-election period is concerned.
Granting Equal Access to contestants
The SADC Principles and Guidelines require that contestants in elections be given equal access to the media during election campaigns. This, as the SADC Observer Mission for the March 29 2008 harmonised elections rightly observed, has not been the case. ZBC’s coverage was heavily biased towards President Robert Mugabe and his fellow ruling party contestants.
Discrimination on gender lines
As MISA- Zimbabwe observed in the previous’ weeks’ comments, there was serious gender discrimination in ZBC’s coverage of women candidates. While women candidates belonging to the ruling party got some token coverage from the national broadcaster, those belonging to the opposition were largely ignored.
ZANU PF propaganda in ZBC Talk shows and debates
It is noted that ZBC broadcast a number of television debates which featured representatives from both the ruling party and the opposition. The prospects of ZTV becoming a critical public sphere debate platform were, however, largely diminished as talk show hosts from the ZBC turned into an extension of the ruling party’s campaign machinery. Notably, Happison Muchechetere, seemed to be extracting from the ZANU PF propaganda template when he persistently and avidly accused panellists from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) of having brought sanctions to Zimbabwe.
Unbalanced stories
With reference to the story flighted on ZBC this past week relating to the helicopter that the MDC allegedly brought in from South Africa for purposes of flying its leader to address rallies around the country; ZBC, in yet another breach of basic journalistic ethics chose not to present the MDC’s side of the story. On the ZTV morning news of Friday, April 28, the national broadcaster carried a story alleging that the helicopter’s pilot was engaged in fraudulent activities. There is not much detail presented with the regards to the nature of the alleged fraud. In another dimension of the same story, President Mugabe is granted an interview in which he accuses the MDC of having caused a serious threat to national security by bringing in the helicopter.
Reclaiming the public broadcaster
As seen through the above observations, ZBC failed to meet the SADC principles guiding the exercise of free and fair elections. The broadcaster also acted in breach of journalistic ethics as shown by biased reportage. It is necessary that this sole national broadcaster be reoriented to become a public broadcaster that thrives on objective, balanced and fair reportage.

Thursday, March 27, 2008

Slight improvement on coverage of women candidates

General Observation

Following the previous week’s observation, there was a slight improvement in the media’s coverage of women’s issues, although a lot more needs to be done. In addition, there is need for improvement in terms of ethical issues including objectivity, balance and fairness.

Coverage of Female Politicians

• Some media seem to have taken slight heed to the need for gender sensitivity in their coverage of elections. For example, The Standard of 16-22 March 2008 carried a front page article featuring Fay Chung, one of the female Parliamentary candidates. Furthermore, female candidates were also featured on ZTV’s main news bulletin during the course of the week.
• The Arthur Mutambara led Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), needs to be commended for flighting an advertorial that is centered on the call for women empowerment.
• Nevertheless, more needs to be done in terms of ensuring that female voices are well represented in the media. For instance, there were only two stories of female candidates appearing on ZTV’s main news bulletin over the past two weeks. The weekly newspapers, including The Zimbabwe Independent did not have much on female candidates
• In its token coverage of female politicians, ZTV continues to confine itself mostly to Zanu-PF male candidates.


More from Tsvangirai and Makoni.Is this enough?

• There has been an up-surge in ZTV prime time campaign advertorials from opposition political parties and independent candidates. While this is a positive development, concern has to be raised on how the opposition’s appearance on national television is being largely restricted to these advertorials whereas prime time editorial appearance is to a large extent, a preserve of the Zanu-PF presidential candidate.
• It is perhaps important that the media carries out a research around the impact of these advertorials. The research must, among other issues, consider that 60% of the county’s registered voters are based in rural areas where a greater number have no access to television

“Mugabe, Mujuru end Alliance”: The ethical dimension


• This was the front page lead story for The Standard of 16-22 March 2008, which raises many questions around journalistic ethics.
• Appearing to be more of an opinion piece, the story is largely based on unnamed sources
• The story also lacks clarity on the purported end of the alliance between President Mugabe and Retired General Solomon Mujuru
• Such stories have become the order of the day in most media outlets and they raise questions as to whether journalists still remain committed to the ethics of the profession.

Wednesday, March 26, 2008

Struggling for visibility: female candidates and gender coverage in the media in the 2008 elections

By Ruzvidzo Mupfudza

In a political environment where women in politics have scored a major success by having more than 150 female candidates filing their nomination papers to contest the March 29 elections, surpassing the 30% quota women support groups were lobbying for, media coverage of these contenders has, however, remained uneven.

The gender bias that has seen male politicians garnering the lion’s share of media coverage as well as positions of influence in the past has tended to characterise the representation of the voices of political candidates in the current campaign in the media. This is largely a result of the fact that the run up to the March 29, 2008 harmonised elections has been largely characterised by the politics of personalities rather than issues.

Needless to say, in the fierce battle to win the hearts and minds of the voting populace, parties have tended to focus more on disparaging one another and on efforts to have an upper hand in the popularity realm rather than address salient issues. The media in turn has tended to get sucked into these battles mesmerised by the President Robert Mugabe Zanu PF, Simba Makoni (independent) or Morgan Tsvangirai (MDC) factor.

Amidst all the personality bashing clutter has been the resilient and positive “The Women Can Do It!” campaign, the brainchild of the Women’s Trust aimed at establishing higher female representation in high ranking political decision making positions. In August 2007 the Trust held a conference in Harare to launch the initiative and issued a declaration in which supporters of the campaign made several demands, including that 50 percent of candidates for political parties are women -- and for the introduction of proportional representation.

The campaign was motivated by the fact that while women constitute 52 percent of the population in Zimbabwe, they hold only 19 percent of cabinet posts, 17 percent of seats in the lower house of parliament and 36.6 percent in the senate, according to figures from the Ministry of Women's Affairs, Gender and Community Development. They also hold 12 percent of seats in urban councils, and 28 percent of those in rural councils.

On 28 February 2008, the Zimbabwe Independent Online posted a story headlined, “Women surpass 30% quota.” The report was based on figures from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, which revealed an increase in women candidates who submitted their nomination papers from both the ruling Zanu PF and opposition parties. The report stated that Zanu PF would field 78 female candidates, while the Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC faction would have 40 and the Arthur Mutambara camp would have 39 contesting the legislative and council polls.

The “Women Can Do It!” campaign had therefore scored some success as Luta Shaba, Women’s Trust Executive Director, told the Independent: “The campaign has received overwhelming response from women. We have surpassed the 30% quota in the number of female candidates who will stand in the coming elections…In previous elections, the list of female candidates had become predictable, but after our campaign we have new-comers who will be contesting in this year’s elections.”

She however lamented the fact that no female candidates were contesting for the highest position in the country, the presidency. This could very well be the reason why media coverage has not be extended as intensely and greater levels for those women contesting for senatorial, house of assembly and council positions.

This is the feeling of Angela Makumire, of the Federation of African Media Women Zimbabwe (FAMWZ), who, speaking from her own personal assessment, said, “I don’t think female candidates are getting enough coverage. Perhaps if there were female candidates vying for the presidency they would be getting the same attention that is being given to male presidential candidates.”

Makamure cited the scenario in the 2002 presidential elections where Edna Madangure of the People Progressive Party got ample coverage due to her participation in the race at the time.
“In this election campaign, however, the majority of the female candidates are being overlooked,” observed Makamure, adding that, “You only see women frequently featuring in the Women Can Do It! advertisement campaign, and the other adverts currently running.”

However, the campaign itself and the initiative by political parties to achieve this should be seen in the broader context where Zimbabwe has a National Gender Policy one of whose key objectives is to “create equal opportunities for women and men in decision making in all areas and all levels.” Zimbabwe is also signatory to the SADC Declaration on Gender and Equality assented to by Heads of State and Governments in 1997 in which equal representation in member states should have been at least 30 percent by 2005.
This was also buttressed by the African Union Protocol on African Women’s Rights, adopted in July 2003 at summit held in Mozambique and came into effect on 25 December 2006.

Thus what is happening in Zimbabwe should not be seen in isolation. Indeed, one should also bear in mind The Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) which encapsulates the right of women to hold political office and to participate in policy making and hold all levels of government office and the right to participate in political parties and independent bodies that look at the welfare of communities.

It is in this respect that the Minister of Women Affairs, Gender and Community Development, Oppah Muchinguri marked the International Women’s day on 8 March 2008 with the celebratory assertion that: “Zimbabwe has made remarkable progress in institutionalising the gender budgeting initiative. Our engagement with the Ministry of Finance has resulted in the 2007 Call Circular [which] mandated all line ministries to have gender consideration in their ministerial bids… Government established and trained gender focal persons in gender budgeting with the main responsibility of ensuring that their ministries budgets are gender sensitive. This has resulted in the increment of the ministry budget allocation from 24 percent in 2007 to 98 percent in 2008 which the ministry had requested.” (The Saturday Herald, “Remarkable progress in gender equity programme’, 8 March 2008).

But it is interesting to note that in this particular edition of the 9 political stories that were covered, the only one covering women in politics was this one covering the minister’s speech. The rest covered male politicians, particularly from Zanu PF castigating Simba Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa. The paper’s city.com did however contain an article concerning women’s issues, written by Beatrice Tnhodzayi in her “Let’s Talk about Aids” column. Unfortunately, exactly how female candidates are mainstreaming gender and development issues in their campaign programmes, if they are at all, remains glaringly absent from mainstream media coverage.

Commenting on the strides made by women in their advocacy for greater representation in key decision making positions, since they constitute 52 percent of the population, University of Zimbabwe political science and commentator, Dr Joseph Kurebwa, said that it was a solid and credible argument.
“The argument is very sound, seeing that women constitute slightly more than half of the total population of the nation. The idea that there should be a corresponding representation holds water,” Dr Kurebwa noted.

He however pointed out that there were stereotypes engendered by societal norms hat work against what would otherwise be a powerful argument and rationale. Dr Kurebwa’s observation gains paramount when one considers the fact that the only female candidate who garners major coverage in the state media is vice president Joice Mujuru largely because of the office she bears and her position in the party, but even then the major highlights of that coverage has been the denial of her links to Simba Makoni (The Herald on Saturday, 28 March 2008, “Zanu PF launches election Manifesto” and “Top Politburo members deny links to Makoni.”

Female candidates and members in Zanu PF present at the launch are relegated to colourful pictorial representations where they are depicted dancing and ululating, while the Zanu PF Women’s League’s portrayal is limited to their stereotyped praise- singing role: “The Women’s League shouted President Mugabe’s totem and chanted slogans praising his leadership qualities and branding him a God- given gift.’”

Indeed, on Tuesday night, 12 March 2008, the national broadcaster, ZBC carried a story on its main bulletin in which vice president Mujuru was at Juru Growth Point, Murehwa, where she claimed to be representing all women, but only in so far as women were responsible for shaping the lives and well- being of men. This is significant in the light that if gender mainstreaming essentially means strengthening women and men’s active involvement in capabilities and contributions in political, development and economic issues, the role of women in politics should also transcend roles assigned to them through socialisation in a patriarchal society.
Makamure noted wryly that, “Maybe in Zanu PF, the only candidate who is getting a lot of coverage is Mai Mujuru but not the other candidates. Of course, Mai Mutinhiri was on TV on the other day, but the point is you can actually count them (female candidates) on your hand.”

A similar sentiment was expressed by Lydia Mavhengere, the Women’s Trust Campaign Manager of the “Women Can Do It!” initiative.
Said Mavhengere: “Personally, I still feel that there is a lot that can be done. If you look at mainstream politics, we were hoping that women would be accorded more space, because if they not in the news, in the public domain, you really wonder how they are coping with their campaigns.”

The concern is valid. Patience Zirima’s story in The Herald (& March 2008), “Southern Africa Tops in Gender Equity – Expert” noted that “gendered inequalities persist in economic empowerment, caused by the absence of economic opportunities for women, lack of access to economic resources and lack of access to education and support services.” The reporter’s expert was a high ranking female voice, Laeticia Mukurasi, the African Development Bank Gender Specialist interviewed with the International Women’s day in mind.

To its credit the story did highlight that, “In a positive move to boost gender equality, more than 30 percent of candidates for the 2008 harmonised elections in Zimbabwe are women, and this may increase the number of women voted into Parliament. Ensuring equal representation of women in decision-making positions is important to economic empowerment as women are best placed to articulate their own needs and concerns.” But none of the female candidates in question were given a voice which would have allowed them to articulate these needs and concerns.

This failure was aptly captured by a woman who runs a hair salon in Kaguvi Street, in Harare, Gay Moyo, who lamented, “As a woman I think we are not being adequately represented. The female candidates running for office should come out and tell us what they stand for as individuals, as human beings, not as mothers, daughters or aunts.”

This was quite clearly something she felt strongly about, for she added, “As women we should not wait to be promoted by men, or wait for them to accord us space. We also want to be presidents. We should stand up and say we are coming and we standing for this or that.”

But political patronage still has strong tentacles in political processes in this country. While the Convention on Civil and Political Rights (CCPR) advocates for the rights of women, girls, minorities and the disadvantaged, aptly echoing the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, where the women’s right to participation in governance is crucial, it is important to note the dynamics of both inter and intra- party struggles. Lucia Makamure in The Independent noticed this and highlighted that despite their being such a high number of female candidates in the 2008 polls, “both the ruling party and opposition parties fielded women in traditionally no-win areas where they had little support. Zanu PF, which enjoys much support in the rural areas, fielded 10 women in urban constituencies, while the MDC had nine women in rural constituencies.”

In Harare on 24 February 2008, while Addressing a rally in Hatfield, Mvurachena Senate candidate, Miriam Chikukwa put the party first urging Zanu-PF supporters to remain faithful to the party and avoid going into the forthcoming elections divided (The Herald, 25 February 2008). But as the report noted she also, “urged women in the party to support each other and desist from working against female candidates representing the party. ‘As women we should work hard. Let us work together and avoid pulling each other down. We should work with a 'We can do it' mind to succeed in these elections,’ she said.”
However, yet again the article does not go beyond speech reporting and tackling some of the critical issues pertaining to gender and community development, and thus setting an agenda for the politicians themselves.

The failure to rally behind concrete issues in the current climate of political acrimony could be partly to blame but it is quite obvious that there are many issues which female candidates in particular can rally around and actually offer the possibility of a socially ameliorating vision. A male columnist, ironically, Bill Saidi noted this when he wrote:
“Yes, [women] can vote today, but if anybody insists they are free to use that vote any way they wish, I would tell them to wash their dirty mouth with the toughest detergent imaginable. Women were the most vulnerable victims of Murambatsvina, the price blitz, the prohibitive cost of sanitary wear. Yet they turn up in huge numbers at Zanu PF rallies. Their almost hysterical ululation for every word that passes through the party leader’s lips is pathetic. The man has almost destroyed this country” (“Ladies, it's time to strut your stuff!” Sunday Opinion, The Standard).

Apart from being still at the mercy of patriarchal political scheming, prior to the current dispensation pertaining to the MDC female representation, one has to recall the strife witnessed in 2007 in that party’s Women’s League. In November 2007 Precious Shumba in the article, “Zimbabwe: MDC women crisis deepening,” wrote that: “The battle for the control of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) Women' s Assembly has exposed several issues which key stakeholders have to note. Key issues that require a critical analysis include the role of the women in the MDC, the election process, the use of women by men, the use of financial resources, the 50/50 campaign, Morgan Tsvangirai’s propensity to reward those with financial muscle, lack of constitutional respect and the unfair distribution of party resources to the structures. The issues here are not necessarily linked to the women in politics. The whole issue has been narrowed down to personality differences” (AllAfricanews, 12 November 2007).

Of course, on 7 March 2008, in an interview with ZBC, the MDC- Tsvangirai spokesperson Nelson Chamisa assured the nation that the MDC was gender sensitive. The female candidates themselves are rarely heard speaking for themselves. Local businesswomen have called on women candidates to prioritise economic and social issues that affect women so that the challenges being faced in the country are addressed. (ZBC, 3 March 2008) Abigail Billy and Renee Mucherahwowa were some of the two businesswomen cited in the report, but none of the contesting female candidates were accorded an opportunity to respond to these calls and to articulate their goals.

However, it is not a story of complete bleak and doom, for while mainstream media, particularly the national entities might seem to be trapped in the vortex of the big three, some female candidates might be getting coverage in Community Group Newspapers. According to Mrs Lucia Masekesa, the National Organising Secretary of the Women’s Assembly (MDC- Tsvangirai), who is also the party’s candidate for Masvingo urban constituency, female candidates there have been receiving coverage in The Masvingo Star and the Masvingo Mirror.

She said that candidates have been and will continue to be accorded space to express their agenda, manifestos and have their profiles published in the publications.

This is a far cry from the February 2008 issue of The Standard where what was making news was the following, “Zanu PF women in $10b swindle.” The Sunday Mail of February 24, 2008 had a feature on female rangers titled, “Bold queens of the jungle’ by Roselyn Sachiti. There were no features on aspiring political female candidates.

But as Dr. Kurebwa noted, the full utilisation of the access to media allowed under the Zimbabwe electoral Commission guidelines that were recently gazetted is a noble idea that would serve to boost the profile and image of female candidates.
“Exposure would be very important,” said Kurebwa, lamenting however that, “The only problem is that this is only done on the eve of the elections, such that it would not have the desired impact of entering the psyches of ordinary people and thus helping change norms and stereotypes.

On the system of introducing quotas for female representation initiated by all parties, political analyst, Dr Kurebwa, noted that while this was a welcome development, it did not however go beyond the threshold that would allow for greater female representation. Indeed, it is the limitations of the quota system that Moyo lamented, for it is at the onus and behest of male patronage. Dr Kurebwa said a more effective implementation strategy would be one that is legally enshrined in the constitution.
“There should be some legal or constitutional threshold of say 40 percent which would compel parties to have greater female presentation because the current quota system will only see them ranging between 25 and 30 percent,” said Kurebwa.

No doubt such a legislation would go a long way not only terms of female representation, but the greater the numbers of women vying for key positions in politics, the more the media would be forced to change the way the media deals with them. Dr Kurebwa noted that there was even in the average women representatives currently vying for positions, one observed a genuine zeal to serve the female constituency and community at large, and once such women were accorded the space to articulate themselves, they did so commendably well.
As Mrs Moyo noted, “We need more than adverts. Those who decide to stand on our behalf should know and understand why they are going to parliament and avoid being overwhelmed by the concerns and interests of the men in their parties. They should know that they are also standing on our behalf.”
Lucia Masekesa at least seems to understand this.
“As MP it is our duty to go and talk with the people, for without the people there is no development. My duty would be to take the wishes and needs of the people to parliament and work with the relevant ministries to advocate for development.”

Masekesa herself feels that there is need for greater education and training of women so that they learn to put value to the roles and potential in society. She also said that teachers were valuable since every member in society could not claim to have gotten where they are without the aid and nurturing hand of teachers and such they needed to be treated with more respect and paid decent wages. Of course, she added, the fight for women’s rights and defending those rights were central to her vision.

The vision and hope expressed by female candidates like Masekesa has not been accorded enough space in the mainstream media, and if there are lessons to be learnt from the period under consideration, January through to March, is that the mainstream media still has a long way to go in transcending the limitations of patriarchal stereotypes. Indeed, the politics of Big Men and patronage has tended to hinder greater advocacy in the media, where the media actually plays the role of agenda setting and informing as well as inspiring people to seek alternatives to the current status quo.

As Dr Fay Cheung succinctly put it: “We are our own liberators. Leadership can be learnt. One should be humble and say I have to learn this and find out as much as I can.” This is wisdom that female candidates participating in the 2008 elections and the media that ought to be covering them more extensively could benefit from. Quite clearly, more needs to be done in terms of gender mainstreaming and raising awareness as well as consciousness in those who would bring about change as politicians or as member of the Fourth estate who bear witness to such innovators.

Thursday, March 20, 2008

What about a woman president?

General Observation

FOLLOWING the previous week’s review in which MISA-Zimbabwe pointed out that the media coverage of elections needs to be more gender sensitive, analytical and informative, this week we look at how the media coverage of issues to do with women seems to have largely been left to the commercial entity of political advertising. We also interrogate the media in relation to whether they have been informative in the coverage of issues such as those relating to political party manifestos.
Campaign Advertorials: The case of relegating women to commercialisation:
Entities including the Women’s Trust and the Ministry of Gender and Women’s affairs continued with their advertising campaigns urging for greater and more active participation by women in political affairs. Some of the adverts particularly call for more women to be elected into political office. This is commendable but:
• The media this week failed to follow-up on the commercials as they did not carry much of serious editorial content arising from the advertorials as they relate to the participation of women in the elections.
• Voiceovers in most of the commercials are dominated by males. For instance, in some of the advertorials by Zanu PF and Independent Presidential candidate Dr Simba Makoni flighted by ZTV, it appears the role of women has been confined to dancing, singing and ululating while men attend to the serious business of articulating the issues.
Coverage on Political Party Manifestos: Gender insensitivity at its highest
• While there have been efforts by media including The Zimbabwe Independent, The Standard and ZBC/TV to bring the various political party manifestos to the attention of the public, there has not been much analysis of these manifestos, especially where they relate to critical issues such as the empowerment of women in relation to such pertinent issues as land reform, health, economic indigenisation and others
• For example, in its story on the recently enacted Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Bill, The Sunday Mail (March 9-15, 2008) does not critically interrogate how the legislation will empower previously marginalised groups including women and the youths.

What about a Woman President?

• The Zimbabwe Independent (29 February to 6 March, 2008) did well in coming up
with the story headlined: Women surpass 30% quota but still not keen on presidency. This raises critical questions in a context in which the candidature of women has been confined to lower leadership positions while in other countries such as Liberia, Germany and the United states, women are vying for, or have been elected to, the uppermost leadership position.
• The issue of Zimbabwe having a woman president is a critical one that the media has not tackled well enough or if it has, it has been concealed inside pages of newspapers. Adverts by groups lobbying for women’s empowerment in both the print and the electronic media have also not incorporated the idea of a female presidential aspirant.

Please note that this is a weekly commentary by MISA-Zimbabwe as part of the monitoring of the media for the duration of the election period. The analysis focuses on gender issues, sourcing methods, language use and basic journalistic media ethics in election reporting as informed by MISA-Zimbabwe’s election reporting guidelines.

This commentary appeared in The Standard 16 -22 March, 2008

Elections 2008 reportage review

Elections 2008: An Engendered Perspective

Among the key obligations attached to the enjoyment of freedom of expression are those relating to pluralism and gender sensitivity in media coverage.

Concerning the ethos of Gender equality, there is a worrying trend around the lop-sided manner in which the media is conducting itself in the run-up to the March 29 2008 elections. If what we are reading, hearing and seeing in newspapers, radio and television is anything to go by, then the women’s stake in this election has been reduced to that of second class citizens who exist to cheer and thrust men into positions of political power.

As the contestants in the March 29 polls intensify their campaigns, the media has relegated the voices of women to the periphery. For instance, The Financial Gazette issue of 14 - 20 February 2008 contains a story in which a male parliamentary candidate invaded a constituency that had been earmarked for a female candidate under the ZANU-PF quota system .There is not much insight and outcry in the story or other media as to the implications of this patriarchal invasion into women’s territory.

Pertaining to the “quota system”, it is notable that there have been a number of stories in The Herald, The Sunday Mail, The Standard, The Financial Gazette and The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation television and other media. The extensive coverage pertaining to women participation in politics is welcome.However; there is need for the media to go deeper in analysing the qualitative aspects around the implementation of the quota system. For example, there is need to interrogate the idea that female candidates being fielded by the MDC and ZANU-PF have been made to contest in risky constituencies while men have allocated safe seats to themselves.

It is also necessary for the media to critically examine whether the prolonged stay in parliament by parliamentarians such as Ms Shuvai Mahofa for instance is aiding the ‘”cause of women empowerment” or otherwise.

Another issue that begs media scrutiny pertains to former Finance Minister Dr Simba Makoni’s presidential bid. Media coverage has largely been confined to the campaign activities by Dr Makoni and his male colleagues to the exclusion of women members in his team. Yet we gather from The Standard edition of 2 - 8 March 2008 that some women are also actively involved in the Makoni presidential campaign project. Surely the electorate has a right to know much more about the likes of Ruth Chitukurudzi, Anastacia Moyo, and Dorothy Mbengo beyond being simply presented in an advert as independent candidates in his camp.

Furthermore if much media space and time is being devoted to known male figures such as Zanu PF politburo member Dumiso Dabengwa who has publicly stated his support for Makoni, is it not also necessary that attention be paid to equally known female figures such as Margaret Dongo, Fay Chung and Rudo Gaidzanwa.
In similar vein why should “prominent” women politicians such as Vice-President Joyce Mujuru dominate the country’s airwaves while the rest are relegated and mentioned in passing only. Again, why is it that most media stories on the pending election are being dominated by male commentators?

These issues and questions point to glaring inequalities in the manner the Zimbabwean media has so far covered issues pertaining to the March 2008 elections. This therefore poses as a serious indictment not only for the media but for citizens and women in particular to demand equal and equitable media coverage as the elections campaigns intensify.

This commentary appeared in The Standard 9 -15 March, 2008